resident George W. Bush and his wife will be dining this evening at the home of Roman Catholic Cardinal Theodore E. McCarrick, where the two are expected to discuss plans for allowing religious groups to obtain public funding in order to operate a wide range of social services. Also scheduled to attend the gathering at McCarrick's Chancery in Hyattsville, MD will be Cardinal Hickey; Archbishop Montalvo, the Papal Nuncio; Bishop Fiorenza, president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops; and Bishop Lori of Bridgeport, CT.

   Next week, Bush intends to unveil his proposal for a Federal Office of Faith-Based Partnership, fulfilling a campaign promise made in July, 1999. Bush was running hard for the GOP Presidential nomination, and reached out to parishioners at an Indianapolis church, declaring that he would use $8 billion in grants, tax credits and other public funds to energize religious social programs to help the poor. Then-Vice President Al Gore had endorsed a similar initiative in May of that year when he lambasted those who "have said for too long that religious values should play no role in addressing public need."

   Bush's plan to expand the role of religious group in administering publicly-funded programs is an extension of the "Charitable Choice" provision incorporated into the 1996 welfare reform act. The architect of that proposal, former Missouri Sen. John Ashcroft, is under scrutiny after being nominatedby Bush as the nation's next U.S. Attorney General. Ashcroft's legislation allows sectarian groups to bid on government contracts in order to operate social services, while still retaining their religious character. Critics say that this violates the separation of church and state. Since Ashcroft's amendment, other legislative measures such as the American Community Renewal Act continue to "push the envelope" in how far churches, mosques and temples may go and use religious faith, symbols and rituals as part of their social outreach at taxpayer expense.

   McCarrick was recently elevated to the position of Cardinal by order of Pope John Paul II. He has served as the Roman Catholic archbishop of Washington, D.C. and before that was Archbishop of the Newark, N.J. area. In 1998, he locked horns with the state's Republican governor, Christine Whitman, over her veto of a ban on so-called "partial birth abortion." McCarrick has also served as Chairman of the International Policy Committee of the U.S. Catholic Conference, an advocacy group controlled by the bishops and archbishops.

   Through his involvement in the Catholic Conference, McCarrick has formed alliances with traditionalist church leaders such as Bishop Charles Chaput of Rapid City and Denver, who generated controversy in 1997 when he threaten to excommunicate parishioners who supported pro-choice legislation and candidates. Cardinal McCarrick also aligned with Chaput in 1994, when the Conference considered a resolution denouncing "the social and ecclesial (sic) problems caused by a radicalization of feminist issues that can lead people away from the church." The wording was so harsh that the NCCB rejected the proposal, 74-136.

   In 1998, when Christine Whitman won re-election, McCarrick was again at the center of controversy over abortion. He compromised on efforts by Catholic and other anti-abortion groups to deny permission for Whitman's Inaugural Committee to use Newark's Sacred Heart Cathedral for an ecumenical, interfaith service honoring the governor. McCarrick told reporters that despite Whitman's support for abortion rights and opposition to the "partial birth" ban, "the Lord will open the hearts and the minds of our elected officials to the necessity of defending human life, especially when it is threatened by procedures which can be truly described as infanticide."

   From the earliest days of the recent presidential primary race and into the election contest when he ran against then Vice President Al Gore, George W. Bush made no secret about his religious convictions and spiritual journey through life. He was raised in mainline Presbyterian and Episcopal churches, sects traditionally identified with the "Protestant Establishment" in America. After marrying, he began attending services at the United Methodist Church, and officially became a member at age 35 to mark the baptism of his twin daughters.

   In writings, interviews and speeches, Bush notes that as he approached his 40th birthday, personal crises set in. He turned to a close Bush family friend, evangelist Billy Graham, a man who has been at the center of American political power since the days of the Eisenhower administration. By now, the story of Bush's "born again" conversation is part of the country's electoral mythology -- how he turned away from a life of drinking, smoking, possible drug use and philandering to undergo a spiritual transformation.

   Unlike his father, Bush is more readily accepted by the religious right and America's thriving evangelical community. The elder Bush was seen as spiritually and politically flawed, too soft on abortion, and unwilling to go to the mat for the social issues which mattered so much to the religious constituency which had helped put him in the White House in 1988. Despite doubts about the younger Bush's commitment to that same religious agenda, evangelicals voted for him in record numbers in the November election, and he enjoyed the full support of key players like Christian Coalition founder Pat Robertson (described as a "close friend") and Jerry Falwell.

   George W. Bush typifies the growing "confessional" mode in American politics where character flaws, political fumbles and personal peccadilloes can be exonerated through public avowance, particularly if draped in religious rhetoric. Bill Clinton quickly traded in his staff of personal development gurus and power coaches for a battery of "spiritual advisors" when it came time to "heal" in the wake of the Monica Lewinsky imbroglio. Former Vice President Gore and running mate Joe Lieberman both made use of the confessional mode as part of a larger strategy of incorporating religion into their campaign. George Bush did the same. While he avoided describing himself as a "born again" Christian as Jimmy Carter had, he persisted in describing his life prior to religious redemption.

   Bush enjoys a close relationship with a number of leaders from different faiths. Along with Cardinal McCarrick, he also spends time with Texas "megachurch" evangelist and Promise Keeper T.D. Jakes. Within his own Methodist denomination, Bush attends the relatively conservative Metropolitan Methodist Church, shunning the more trendy, liberal Foundry United Methodist church which had been favored by the Clinton's.

   As President, Bush remains determined to carry out his promise of further involving religious groups in the operation of social programs. His strategy is informed by a circle of policy advisors including University of Texas journalism professor Marvin Olasky, and former Indianapolis Mayor Steven Goldsmith. Olasky is the considered the leading theoretician on so-called "faith-based" partnerships which would use a combination of private money and other funding sources to fuel a religion-based social welfare machine. For Olasky, the secular welfare state has failed in that it has not provided the motivational, spiritual foundation necessary for addressing issues like urban poverty, dysfunctional families, youth violence or substance abuse. Goldsmith embraces these same ideas. Both men are part of a wider "civil society" movement, which sees churches and other religious institutions as an central component in the public square.

   John Ashcroft, a Pentecostal Christian, also sees an important role for religious groups in the years to come. Under the Bush strategy, welfare money would no longer flow to secular administrative agencies; rather, it would be distributed to churches, ministries and other community groups that have supposedly proved to be "successful" in addressing a myriad of problems. Marvin Olasky is wary of too much government funding, rightly fearing that with state funding could come regulation and oversight. In Texas, though, Bush promoted policies which funneled public money to religious groups, and gave these organizations wide latitude in how the money could be spent. A current case is challenging a Texas program administered by a group of churches, where money was spent on Bible materials and clients were pressured to change their religious beliefs.

   Critics say that all of this violates the separation of church and state. For decades, government money has been flowing to religious groups, including sectarian schools, in order to pay for everything from transportation to school books. In theory anyway, the aid was not be used for religious purposes. Ashcroft's "Charitable Choice" provision in the 1996 welfare reform act, though, began to muddy the constitutional waters by permitting faith-based groups receiving public funds to "retain their religious character." It seems that crafting "faith-based partnerships" and similar programs that hand over tax money to groups operating social services with a religious flavor or content must inevitably violate the First Amendment.

   Earlier today, White House spokesman Ari Fleischer said that Mr. Bush is prepared to confront the "church-and-state" questions that will inevitably arise when he unveils his proposal for the Federal Office of Faith-Based Partnerships.

   "His focus is going to be on helping people get through some of the worst problems they face in life -- alcoholism, prison, children of prisoners, helping people leave behind prisons to re-enter the workforce," said Fleischer. "This is in many ways the next step in welfare reform. Faith-based solutions are often one of the best ways to help people get through crises in life."

   Nonsense, says Ellen Johnson, President of American Atheists.

   "If Bush really wanted to help poor people or other groups, he would fund secular programs," said Johnson. "Even many religious groups are wary about having the government drag them into the social services 'business,' for which they often lack any experience or expertise."

   "It's a 'Religion Tax' on millions of Atheists, and everyone else in America," Johnson added. "It compels us all to have our money confiscated on behalf of churches, mosques, temples and any other religious group that wants to make a withdrawal from the U.S. Treasury."

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